The Raise the Wage Act of 2025 (H.R. — Plain English Decode
The Raise the Wage Act of 2025 (H.R. 2743 / S.1332) would raise the federal minimum wage from a 16-year-frozen $7.25 to $17 by 2030, affecting 22 million workers — but with Republicans controlling Congress, it functions mainly as a 2026 campaign document rather than imminent law.
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What It Does
The Raise the Wage Act of 2025 amends the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) to raise the federal minimum wage in six annual steps: $9.50 in year one (after enactment), then $11.00, $12.50, $14.00, $15.50, and finally $17.00 in year six (by 2030 if enacted in 2025). After reaching $17, the minimum wage would be permanently indexed to median wage growth, so it cannot be eroded by inflation the way the current $7.25 has been since 2009. On the tipped wage: the current federal tipped minimum of $2.13 per hour (which allows employers to pay tipped workers below minimum if tips make up the difference) would be raised incrementally over seven years until it equals the standard minimum — effectively eliminating the tip credit nationally. The Section 14(c) subminimum wage for workers with disabilities would be phased out over five years, and the youth subminimum wage (which allows employers to pay workers under 20 a lower $4.25 during their first 90 days) would similarly be eliminated over seven years. The bill covers all workers currently covered by the FLSA, which is the large majority of private-sector employees. It does not create regional exemptions, does not create small-business carve-outs, and does not establish a separate rural or low-cost-of-living rate — features that have historically been floated as potential compromise positions.
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The Real Story
The underlying fight isn't really about the exact number — it's about whether the federal government should impose a single national wage floor on an economy with enormous regional cost-of-living variation. Democrats, led by Rep. Bobby Scott (D-VA) and Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT), argue that a full-time worker earning $7.25 cannot survive anywhere in America and that uniform federal protection prevents a race to the bottom. Opponents — primarily the National Restaurant Association, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and Republicans representing rural and Southern districts — argue that $17 in rural Mississippi is economically equivalent to $25+ in Manhattan, and that mandating it destroys small-business jobs and reduces employment opportunities for young and low-skill workers. The restaurant industry has a specific additional stake: the bill would also phase out the federal tipped minimum wage of $2.13 per hour, which they argue would devastate their labor cost model even as servers in busy urban markets often earn $30–$50 per hour with tips.
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Who Benefits
- 22.2 million low-wage workers (15% of the U.S. wage-earning workforce) would receive raises, gaining an average of $3,200 per year if they work year-round. This is the primary direct beneficiary population.
- Women, Black, and Hispanic workers disproportionately fill minimum and near-minimum wage jobs. The National Women's Law Center notes that these groups would see outsized wage gains relative to their current earnings, narrowing race and gender pay gaps.
- Workers with disabilities (those currently paid under Section 14(c) certificates) would eventually receive full minimum wage — a significant gain for an estimated 100,000+ workers currently earning as little as a few cents per hour in sheltered workshops.
- Tipped workers in lower-wage markets (diners, small-town restaurants) who currently earn close to the $2.13 tipped floor rather than the much higher tips seen in urban markets would see their base pay increase dramatically.
- States with lower existing minimums (Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, South Carolina, Tennessee, Wyoming — all still using the federal $7.25 floor) would see the largest wage lifts relative to current levels.
- Service Employees International Union (SEIU), AFL-CIO, AFSCME, AFT, and UFCW — major labor unions — whose membership and organizing power expands when wage standards rise and more workers are covered under federal protections.
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Who Gets Hurt
- Small businesses in low-cost-of-living regions — particularly retail, food service, agriculture, and care industries in the South and Midwest — face labor cost increases proportionally larger than comparable businesses in high-wage states. A Mississippi convenience store currently paying $7.50/hr would face a 127% increase in minimum wage cost by 2030.
- Restaurant industry — the National Restaurant Association has been the most vocal organized opponent since its 2019 opposition and continues to argue phase-out of the tipped credit would raise consumer prices and force service model changes (more automation, counter service, fewer table-service jobs). Independent restaurants with tight margins are more exposed than McDonald's or Darden Restaurants, which can absorb or automate.
- Sheltered workshop operators and their nonprofit managers — organizations like Goodwill Industries (which has used 14(c) certificates extensively) would either have to restructure operations or close programs if they cannot afford to pay full minimum wages to workers who require intensive job coaching or produce at low output rates.
- Teen workers and first-time job seekers — both economic modeling and real-world evidence from earlier minimum wage increases suggest modest but real reductions in entry-level hiring, particularly in low-wage states where the labor market is thinner and employers are less able to absorb cost increases.
- Federal taxpayers — the CBO's 2021 analysis of the $15 version estimated the bill would increase the cumulative federal deficit by $54 billion over 10 years, partly because higher wages reduce federal benefits enrollment but also because higher wages raise federal payroll costs for government contractors and workers.
- Rural small employers already operating on low margins in industries like home health care, childcare, agriculture, and food service would face the most acute pressure.
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Red Flags
- Zero Republican co-sponsors in either chamber. The bill was introduced with 142 Democratic House co-sponsors and no bipartisan support. In a Senate where every Republican (minus one) has voted against minimum wage amendments, the bill cannot reach the 60-vote threshold to break a filibuster — making passage functionally impossible under the current Congress without a Senate rule change.
- Uniform national floor ignores cost-of-living geography. A $17 minimum in Mississippi (median household income ~$52,000) is a fundamentally different economic shock than the same number in California (median ~$91,000). Critics — including moderate economists, not just business lobbies — argue this is a design flaw that particularly harms smaller, rural, and Southern employers.
- Section 14(c) elimination risk for workers with disabilities. The bill phases out the Fair Labor Standards Act's Section 14(c) subminimum wage certificates (which allow some sheltered workshops and nonprofit service providers to pay below-minimum wages to workers with intellectual and developmental disabilities) within five years. The Trump DOL withdrew a proposed rule on this on July 7, 2025, signaling hostility. Disability advocates including the Autistic Self Advocacy Network support elimination; sheltered workshop operators warn it could cause facilities serving tens of thousands of people to close without adequate alternative support systems in place.
- Tipped wage elimination could backfire in high-earning markets. Servers in high-traffic urban restaurants regularly earn $40,000–$70,000/year with tips. Eliminating the tipped credit forces employers to raise base pay, which could lead to automatic gratuity or tip elimination — potentially lowering take-home pay for successful servers while raising it for lower-earning ones. One Fair Wage advocates argue the benefits outweigh risks; the National Restaurant Association argues the opposite.
- Youth subminimum wage elimination could reduce entry-level hiring. Teenagers often enter the workforce through lower-cost hiring. Eliminating the youth subminimum (currently $4.25 for workers under 20 during first 90 days of employment) removes a formal on-ramp that small employers in lower-margin businesses currently use to justify first-job hires.
- Implementation gap: The first increase (to $9.50) would only take effect after enactment — but enactment is not scheduled, creating no enforcement clock and no automatic pressure for compliance.
---
Hidden Riders
- Permanent indexing to median wage growth is structurally significant beyond the $17 target. Once enacted, Congress would never need to vote again to raise the minimum wage — it would rise automatically with broader labor market trends. This removes future political leverage from opponents and fundamentally changes the minimum wage from a political decision to an administrative formula. For supporters, this is the feature. For opponents, it's a permanent lock-in.
- The tipped wage elimination is a major structural change to the restaurant and hospitality industry buried underneath the headline $17 number. The federal tipped minimum has been $2.13 since 1991 — 34 years. Ending it would reshape how wages are calculated, how menus are priced, and potentially whether tipping as a cultural practice survives in its current form.
- Section 14(c) elimination affects a population most people have never heard of: tens of thousands of Americans with intellectual and developmental disabilities currently working in sheltered workshops for pennies per hour. Whether that's dignified employment or exploitation depends heavily on the quality of the alternative — which the bill does not fund or mandate.
---
Current Status
The Raise the Wage Act of 2025 was introduced on April 8, 2025 — H.R. 2743 in the House by Rep. Bobby Scott (D-VA), and S.1332 in the Senate by Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) — with 142 original House co-sponsors and 175 total Congressional colleagues listed in support. Both bills were referred to their respective committees: the House Education and Workforce Committee and the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions (HELP) Committee, where Republicans hold the majority and are not expected to schedule hearings or markups. The bill has had no committee vote, no floor debate, and no scheduled action. Under the current Republican-controlled 119th Congress (which holds its majority through at least January 2027), the bill is functionally in a holding pattern. It is not dead — it can be reintroduced in the next Congress — but it has no viable legislative path in its current session without a dramatic shift in Senate dynamics.
---
Sources:
- [Senate HELP Committee Press Release — Raise the Wage Act of 2025](https://www.help.senate.gov/dem/newsroom/press/news-sanders-scott-175-colleagues-introduce-bill-to-raise-minimum-wage-to-17-by-2030-benefitting-nearly-22-million-americans)
- [EPI Impact Fact Sheet — Raise the Wage Act of 2025](https://www.epi.org/publication/rtwa-2025-impact-fact-sheet/)
- [Congress.gov — H.R. 2743, 119th Congress](https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-bill/2743/text)
- [Congress.gov — S.1332, 119th Congress](https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/senate-bill/1332)
- [Rep. Bobby Scott Press Release](https://bobbyscott.house.gov/media-center/press-releases/labor-leaders-introduce-bill-raise-minimum-wage-1)
- [House Education & Workforce Committee Democrats](https://democrats-edworkforce.house.gov/media/press-releases/04/08/2025/labor-leaders-introduce-bill-to-raise-minimum-wage)
- [Newsweek — Minimum Wage Increase for 20 Million](https://www.newsweek.com/minimum-wage-increase-20-million-americans-proposed-new-bill-2059403)
- [Newsweek — Trump on Minimum Wage](https://www.newsweek.com/donald-trump-minimum-wage-bill-income-sanders-2059679)
- [National Restaurant Association Opposition](https://restaurant.org/research-and-media/media/press-releases/national-restaurant-association-opposes-h-r-582-raise-the-wage-act/)
- [National Women's Law Center — Raise the Wage Act](https://nwlc.org/resource/the-raise-the-wage-act-valuing-working-people-and-advancing-equal-pay/)
- [CBO — Budgetary Effects of the Raise the Wage Act of 2021](https://www.cbo.gov/system/files/2021-02/56975-Minimum-Wage.pdf)
- [Federal Register — Section 14(c) Withdrawal, July 7, 2025](https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2025/07/07/2025-12534/employment-of-workers-with-disabilities-under-section-14c-of-the-fair-labor-standards-act-withdrawal)
- [Autistic Self Advocacy Network — Ending 14(c)](https://autisticadvocacy.org/actioncenter/issues/employment/14c/)
- [EPI — Federal Minimum Wage Is a Poverty Wage in 2025](https://www.epi.org/blog/the-federal-minimum-wage-is-officially-a-poverty-wage-in-2025/)
- [Sanders Senate Fact Sheet — Raise the Wage Act 2025 (PDF)](https://www.sanders.senate.gov/wp-content/uploads/Fact-Sheet-Raise-the-Wage-Act-of-2025-1.pdf)
- [Raise the Wage Act — Wikipedia](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raise_the_Wage_Act)
The Raise the Wage Act of 2025 (H.R. 2743 / S.1332) would raise the federal minimum wage from a 16-year-frozen $7.25 to $17 by 2030, affecting 22 million workers — but with Republicans controlling Congress, it functions mainly as a 2026 campaign document rather than imminent law.
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Why now
The federal minimum wage has been stuck at $7.25 per hour since July 2009 — a 16-year freeze that is the longest stretch without an increase in U.S. history. The Economic Policy Institute declared in early 2025 that the federal minimum is now officially a poverty wage: adjusted for inflation, $7.25 today has roughly the same purchasing power as $5.00 did in 2009, a loss of more than 30 percent in real value. The COVID-19 economy, a surge of inflation from 2021–2023, and the visible contrast with the 30 states and Washington D.C. that have already enacted higher minimums have collectively made the federal floor politically untenable for Democrats heading into 2026 midterms. The Trump administration's withdrawal of Biden-era Department of Labor rulemaking on disability subminimum wages (on July 7, 2025) also gave Democrats a fresh hook to reintroduce the broader wage debate.
---
The real story
The underlying fight isn't really about the exact number — it's about whether the federal government should impose a single national wage floor on an economy with enormous regional cost-of-living variation. Democrats, led by Rep. Bobby Scott (D-VA) and Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT), argue that a full-time worker earning $7.25 cannot survive anywhere in America and that uniform federal protection prevents a race to the bottom. Opponents — primarily the National Restaurant Association, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and Republicans representing rural and Southern districts — argue that $17 in rural Mississippi is economically equivalent to $25+ in Manhattan, and that mandating it destroys small-business jobs and reduces employment opportunities for young and low-skill workers. The restaurant industry has a specific additional stake: the bill would also phase out the federal tipped minimum wage of $2.13 per hour, which they argue would devastate their labor cost model even as servers in busy urban markets often earn $30–$50 per hour with tips.
---
Red flags
▸ Zero Republican co-sponsors in either chamber. The bill was introduced with 142 Democratic House co-sponsors and no bipartisan support. In a Senate where every Republican (minus one) has voted against minimum wage amendments, the bill cannot reach the 60-vote threshold to break a filibuster — making passage functionally impossible under the current Congress without a Senate rule change.
▸ Uniform national floor ignores cost-of-living geography. A $17 minimum in Mississippi (median household income ~$52,000) is a fundamentally different economic shock than the same number in California (median ~$91,000). Critics — including moderate economists, not just business lobbies — argue this is a design flaw that particularly harms smaller, rural, and Southern employers.
▸ Section 14(c) elimination risk for workers with disabilities. The bill phases out the Fair Labor Standards Act's Section 14(c) subminimum wage certificates (which allow some sheltered workshops and nonprofit service providers to pay below-minimum wages to workers with intellectual and developmental disabilities) within five years. The Trump DOL withdrew a proposed rule on this on July 7, 2025, signaling hostility. Disability advocates including the Autistic Self Advocacy Network support elimination; sheltered workshop operators warn it could cause facilities serving tens of thousands of people to close without adequate alternative support systems in place.
▸ Tipped wage elimination could backfire in high-earning markets. Servers in high-traffic urban restaurants regularly earn $40,000–$70,000/year with tips. Eliminating the tipped credit forces employers to raise base pay, which could lead to automatic gratuity or tip elimination — potentially lowering take-home pay for successful servers while raising it for lower-earning ones. One Fair Wage advocates argue the benefits outweigh risks; the National Restaurant Association argues the opposite.
▸ Youth subminimum wage elimination could reduce entry-level hiring. Teenagers often enter the workforce through lower-cost hiring. Eliminating the youth subminimum (currently $4.25 for workers under 20 during first 90 days of employment) removes a formal on-ramp that small employers in lower-margin businesses currently use to justify first-job hires.
▸ Implementation gap: The first increase (to $9.50) would only take effect after enactment — but enactment is not scheduled, creating no enforcement clock and no automatic pressure for compliance.
▸ --
Who benefits
• 22.2 million low-wage workers (15% of the U.S. wage-earning workforce) would receive raises, gaining an average of $3,200 per year if they work year-round. This is the primary direct beneficiary population.
• Women, Black, and Hispanic workers disproportionately fill minimum and near-minimum wage jobs. The National Women's Law Center notes that these groups would see outsized wage gains relative to their current earnings, narrowing race and gender pay gaps.
• Workers with disabilities (those currently paid under Section 14(c) certificates) would eventually receive full minimum wage — a significant gain for an estimated 100,000+ workers currently earning as little as a few cents per hour in sheltered workshops.
• Tipped workers in lower-wage markets (diners, small-town restaurants) who currently earn close to the $2.13 tipped floor rather than the much higher tips seen in urban markets would see their base pay increase dramatically.
• States with lower existing minimums (Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, South Carolina, Tennessee, Wyoming — all still using the federal $7.25 floor) would see the largest wage lifts relative to current levels.
• Service Employees International Union (SEIU), AFL-CIO, AFSCME, AFT, and UFCW — major labor unions — whose membership and organizing power expands when wage standards rise and more workers are covered under federal protections.
• --
Who gets hurt
• Small businesses in low-cost-of-living regions — particularly retail, food service, agriculture, and care industries in the South and Midwest — face labor cost increases proportionally larger than comparable businesses in high-wage states. A Mississippi convenience store currently paying $7.50/hr would face a 127% increase in minimum wage cost by 2030.
• Restaurant industry — the National Restaurant Association has been the most vocal organized opponent since its 2019 opposition and continues to argue phase-out of the tipped credit would raise consumer prices and force service model changes (more automation, counter service, fewer table-service jobs). Independent restaurants with tight margins are more exposed than McDonald's or Darden Restaurants, which can absorb or automate.
• Sheltered workshop operators and their nonprofit managers — organizations like Goodwill Industries (which has used 14(c) certificates extensively) would either have to restructure operations or close programs if they cannot afford to pay full minimum wages to workers who require intensive job coaching or produce at low output rates.
• Teen workers and first-time job seekers — both economic modeling and real-world evidence from earlier minimum wage increases suggest modest but real reductions in entry-level hiring, particularly in low-wage states where the labor market is thinner and employers are less able to absorb cost increases.
• Federal taxpayers — the CBO's 2021 analysis of the $15 version estimated the bill would increase the cumulative federal deficit by $54 billion over 10 years, partly because higher wages reduce federal benefits enrollment but also because higher wages raise federal payroll costs for government contractors and workers.
• Rural small employers already operating on low margins in industries like home health care, childcare, agriculture, and food service would face the most acute pressure.
• --
What it does
The Raise the Wage Act of 2025 amends the Fair Labor Standards Act (FLSA) to raise the federal minimum wage in six annual steps: $9.50 in year one (after enactment), then $11.00, $12.50, $14.00, $15.50, and finally $17.00 in year six (by 2030 if enacted in 2025). After reaching $17, the minimum wage would be permanently indexed to median wage growth, so it cannot be eroded by inflation the way the current $7.25 has been since 2009. On the tipped wage: the current federal tipped minimum of $2.13 per hour (which allows employers to pay tipped workers below minimum if tips make up the difference) would be raised incrementally over seven years until it equals the standard minimum — effectively eliminating the tip credit nationally. The Section 14(c) subminimum wage for workers with disabilities would be phased out over five years, and the youth subminimum wage (which allows employers to pay workers under 20 a lower $4.25 during their first 90 days) would similarly be eliminated over seven years. The bill covers all workers currently covered by the FLSA, which is the large majority of private-sector employees. It does not create regional exemptions, does not create small-business carve-outs, and does not establish a separate rural or low-cost-of-living rate — features that have historically been floated as potential compromise positions.
---
Hidden riders
- Permanent indexing to median wage growth is structurally significant beyond the $17 target. Once enacted, Congress would never need to vote again to raise the minimum wage — it would rise automatically with broader labor market trends. This removes future political leverage from opponents and fundamentally changes the minimum wage from a political decision to an administrative formula. For supporters, this is the feature. For opponents, it's a permanent lock-in.
- The tipped wage elimination is a major structural change to the restaurant and hospitality industry buried underneath the headline $17 number. The federal tipped minimum has been $2.13 since 1991 — 34 years. Ending it would reshape how wages are calculated, how menus are priced, and potentially whether tipping as a cultural practice survives in its current form.
- Section 14(c) elimination affects a population most people have never heard of: tens of thousands of Americans with intellectual and developmental disabilities currently working in sheltered workshops for pennies per hour. Whether that's dignified employment or exploitation depends heavily on the quality of the alternative — which the bill does not fund or mandate.
---
Precedent
The 2019 Raise the Wage Act (H.R. 582, 116th Congress) passed the full House 231–199 in July 2019 but died in the Senate, where Mitch McConnell refused to bring it to a floor vote. The 2021 version (H.R. 603, targeting $15/hour) was incorporated into the American Rescue Plan Act but was struck from the bill by the Senate parliamentarian, who ruled it did not comply with reconciliation budget rules — killing the single most viable legislative vehicle. At the state level, California ($16.50), Washington ($16.28), New York ($16.00), and Illinois ($15.00) have enacted $15+ minimums, and labor market research by economists like Arindrajit Dube found minimal employment effects in states that raised wages gradually. However, economists at the CBO, Congressional Budget Office, and Federal Reserve branches remain divided — the CBO's midpoint estimate for the $15 version was 1.4 million jobs lost, though with a wide range from near-zero to 3.7 million. International comparisons (UK's National Living Wage, Australia's A$23/hr minimum) have not shown the mass unemployment predicted by critics, though those countries have more sector-specific wage agreements and different labor market structures.
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Current status
The Raise the Wage Act of 2025 was introduced on April 8, 2025 — H.R. 2743 in the House by Rep. Bobby Scott (D-VA), and S.1332 in the Senate by Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-VT) — with 142 original House co-sponsors and 175 total Congressional colleagues listed in support. Both bills were referred to their respective committees: the House Education and Workforce Committee and the Senate Health, Education, Labor and Pensions (HELP) Committee, where Republicans hold the majority and are not expected to schedule hearings or markups. The bill has had no committee vote, no floor debate, and no scheduled action. Under the current Republican-controlled 119th Congress (which holds its majority through at least January 2027), the bill is functionally in a holding pattern. It is not dead — it can be reintroduced in the next Congress — but it has no viable legislative path in its current session without a dramatic shift in Senate dynamics.
---
Sources:
- [Senate HELP Committee Press Release — Raise the Wage Act of 2025](https://www.help.senate.gov/dem/newsroom/press/news-sanders-scott-175-colleagues-introduce-bill-to-raise-minimum-wage-to-17-by-2030-benefitting-nearly-22-million-americans)
- [EPI Impact Fact Sheet — Raise the Wage Act of 2025](https://www.epi.org/publication/rtwa-2025-impact-fact-sheet/)
- [Congress.gov — H.R. 2743, 119th Congress](https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/house-bill/2743/text)
- [Congress.gov — S.1332, 119th Congress](https://www.congress.gov/bill/119th-congress/senate-bill/1332)
- [Rep. Bobby Scott Press Release](https://bobbyscott.house.gov/media-center/press-releases/labor-leaders-introduce-bill-raise-minimum-wage-1)
- [House Education & Workforce Committee Democrats](https://democrats-edworkforce.house.gov/media/press-releases/04/08/2025/labor-leaders-introduce-bill-to-raise-minimum-wage)
- [Newsweek — Minimum Wage Increase for 20 Million](https://www.newsweek.com/minimum-wage-increase-20-million-americans-proposed-new-bill-2059403)
- [Newsweek — Trump on Minimum Wage](https://www.newsweek.com/donald-trump-minimum-wage-bill-income-sanders-2059679)
- [National Restaurant Association Opposition](https://restaurant.org/research-and-media/media/press-releases/national-restaurant-association-opposes-h-r-582-raise-the-wage-act/)
- [National Women's Law Center — Raise the Wage Act](https://nwlc.org/resource/the-raise-the-wage-act-valuing-working-people-and-advancing-equal-pay/)
- [CBO — Budgetary Effects of the Raise the Wage Act of 2021](https://www.cbo.gov/system/files/2021-02/56975-Minimum-Wage.pdf)
- [Federal Register — Section 14(c) Withdrawal, July 7, 2025](https://www.federalregister.gov/documents/2025/07/07/2025-12534/employment-of-workers-with-disabilities-under-section-14c-of-the-fair-labor-standards-act-withdrawal)
- [Autistic Self Advocacy Network — Ending 14(c)](https://autisticadvocacy.org/actioncenter/issues/employment/14c/)
- [EPI — Federal Minimum Wage Is a Poverty Wage in 2025](https://www.epi.org/blog/the-federal-minimum-wage-is-officially-a-poverty-wage-in-2025/)
- [Sanders Senate Fact Sheet — Raise the Wage Act 2025 (PDF)](https://www.sanders.senate.gov/wp-content/uploads/Fact-Sheet-Raise-the-Wage-Act-of-2025-1.pdf)
- [Raise the Wage Act — Wikipedia](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Raise_the_Wage_Act)
What to watch
The immediate question is whether any Senate Republican breaks ranks to enable even a procedural vote — so far, that hasn't happened and no moderate Republican has publicly signaled openness to the $17 target. The more significant near-term event is whether Democrats attempt to attach a lower minimum wage increase (perhaps $12–$13 as a compromise) to must-pass spending legislation or a bipartisan deal later in 2025. Voters in November 2026 should watch closely: Senate Democrats plan to force floor votes on the Raise the Wage Act to make Republicans vote on record, turning this bill into a campaign document for competitive Senate seats in 2026. Citizens can track co-sponsors and floor vote requests at Congress.gov; contacting House and Senate offices directly remains the most influential individual action.
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